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- To: MLUG discussion <EMAIL:PROTECTED>
- Subject: [MLUG - DISCUSSION] [POLITICS] Krugman: Hired Gun Fetish
- From: Mike Miller <EMAIL:PROTECTED>
- Date: Tue, 2 Oct 2007 00:05:27 -0500 (CDT)
- Delivery-date: Tue, 02 Oct 2007 00:05:38 -0500
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Krugman explains his first two paragraphs from the NY Times article
(below) in this blog entry:
http://krugman.blogs.nytimes.com/2007/09/30/tax-farming/
--Mike
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/09/28/opinion/28krugman.html
N.Y. Times
September 28, 2007
Op-Ed Columnist
Hired Gun Fetish
By PAUL KRUGMAN
Sometimes it seems that the only way to make sense of the Bush
administration is to imagine that it's a vast experiment concocted by mad
political scientists who want to see what happens if a nation
systematically ignores everything we've learned over the past few
centuries about how to make a modern government work.
Thus, the administration has abandoned the principle of a professional,
nonpolitical civil service, stuffing agencies from FEMA to the Justice
Department with unqualified cronies. Tax farming -- giving individuals the
right to collect taxes, in return for a share of the take -- went out with
the French Revolution; now the tax farmers are back.
And so are mercenaries, whom Machiavelli described as "useless and
dangerous" more than four centuries ago.
As far as I can tell, America has never fought a war in which mercenaries
made up a large part of the armed force. But in Iraq, they are so central
to the effort that, as Peter W. Singer of the Brookings Institution points
out in a new report, "the private military industry has suffered more
losses in Iraq than the rest of the coalition of allied nations combined."
And, yes, the so-called private security contractors are mercenaries.
They're heavily armed. They carry out military missions, but they're
private employees who don't answer to military discipline. On the other
hand, they don't seem to be accountable to Iraqi or U.S. law, either. And
they behave accordingly.
We may never know what really happened in a crowded Baghdad square two
weeks ago. Employees of Blackwater USA claim that they were attacked by
gunmen. Iraqi police and witnesses say that the contractors began firing
randomly at a car that didn't get out of their way.
What we do know is that more than 20 civilians were killed, including the
couple and child in the car. And the Iraqi version of events is entirely
consistent with many other documented incidents involving security
contractors.
For example, Mr. Singer reminds us that in 2005 "armed contractors from
the Zapata firm were detained by U.S. forces, who claimed they saw the
private soldiers indiscriminately firing not only at Iraqi civilians, but
also U.S. Marines." The contractors were not charged. In 2006, employees
of Aegis, another security firm, posted a "trophy video" on the Internet
that showed them shooting civilians, and employees of Triple Canopy, yet
another contractor, were fired after alleging that a supervisor engaged in
"joy-ride shooting" of Iraqi civilians.
Yet even among the contractors, Blackwater has the worst reputation. On
Christmas Eve 2006, a drunken Blackwater employee reportedly shot and
killed a guard of the Iraqi vice president. (The employee was flown out of
the country, and has not been charged.) In May 2007, Blackwater employees
reportedly shot an employee of Iraq's Interior Ministry, leading to an
armed standoff between the firm and Iraqi police.
Iraqis aren't the only victims of this behavior. Of the nearly 4,000
American service members who have died in Iraq, scores if not hundreds
would surely still be alive if it weren't for the hatred such incidents
engender.
Which raises the question, why are Blackwater and other mercenary outfits
still playing such a big role in Iraq?
Don't tell me that they are irreplaceable. The Iraq war has now gone on
for four and a half years -- longer than American participation in World
War II. There has been plenty of time for the Bush administration to find
a way to do without mercenaries, if it wanted to.
And the danger out-of-control military contractors pose to American forces
has been obvious at least since March 2004, when four armed Blackwater
employees blundered into Fallujah in the middle of a delicate military
operation, getting themselves killed and precipitating a crisis that
probably ended any chance of an acceptable outcome in Iraq.
Yet Blackwater is still there. In fact, last year the State Department
gave Blackwater the lead role in diplomatic security in Iraq.
Mr. Singer argues that reliance on private military contractors has let
the administration avoid making hard political choices, such as admitting
that it didn't send enough troops in the first place. Contractors, he
writes, "offered the potential backstop of additional forces, but with no
one having to lose any political capital." That's undoubtedly part of the
story.
But it's also worth noting that the Bush administration has tried to
privatize every aspect of the U.S. government it can, using taxpayers'
money to give lucrative contracts to its friends -- people like Erik
Prince, the owner of Blackwater, who has strong Republican connections.
You might think that national security would take precedence over the
fetish for privatization -- but remember, President Bush tried to keep
airport security in private hands, even after 9/11.
So the privatization of war -- no matter how badly it works -- is just
part of the pattern.
Copyright 2007 The New York Times Company
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